Thank you so much. Thank you very much. Let me begin by a correction — laughter — and a few confessions. The correction is that I am a very good dancer.
Share via Email This year sees a deluge of anniversaries of major American speeches. And on 4 November it is five years since Barack Obama acknowledged his victory Yes we can by obama the election with the mantra "yes we can".
These speeches were delivered at different lengths, on different occasions and under different circumstances. The Gettysburg address all words of it followed a two-hour eulogy by Edward Everett, the president of Harvard, celebrating a key civil war victory.
The King speech was delivered at a rally in support of civil rights. Jackson had lost the democratic nomination, Obama had won the election. Nonetheless, they share much more than divides them: Unsurprisingly, there are myriad references to and quotations from the Bible.
Although there is an important difference between how and why they use them, all of these speechmakers draw on the same repertoire of rhetorical devices. As Wills argues, Lincoln uses repetition of words as "a kind of hook-and-eye method for joining the parts of his address": We have seen so much.
But there is so much more to do. As Max Atkinson makes clear in his analysis of speechmaking, Lend Me Your Earscontrast and tripling appear in speech after speech, time after time.
In his wartime broadcasts, Churchill used anaphora "we will fight them" on the beaches, landing-grounds, fields, streets and hillscontrast so much "owed by so many to so few" and chiasmus not "the beginning of the end" but perhaps "the end of the beginning".
Kennedy uses chiasmus like a hammer "ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country". But if all of these orators cram their rhetorical devices together to an unprecedented degree, they are differently distributed. Atkinson calculates that, in his inaugural, Kennedy employs contrast every 39 seconds, but uses hardly any triples.
Obama, on the other hand, favours triples there were 13 in the speech that launched him to national prominence at the Democratic convention, and 20 in the "yes we can" speech.
Contrasts and triples express different views of the world. Contrasts reveal binaries and present choices, multiples accrete evidence for a single case.
Which you choose betrays not just your subject but your attitude. At the end, Roosevelt offers a prospect of national unity, and the paragraphs expand to a lilting three. And while Lincoln, King, Jackson and Obama all address the division between free states and slave states, north and south, blue and red America, King sees that contest in terms of unresolved binaries, Obama as a barrier that can be overcome.
In this he follows Jackson, whose speech includes an evocative list of the sort of Americans who lost out in the 80s: Obama picks this device up again and again. In he accentuates the positive: When Obama challenges the division between red states and blue states, he lists examples of attitudes and phenomena — religious belief, hostility to censorship, gay communities — that are supposedly restricted to one or other but are actually present in both.
The fact that Martin Luther King is held to have taken a similarly conciliatory view is due to the most famous section of his speech, which King decided to substitute for the written ending as he spoke. Certainly, as black militancy deepened in the years that followed, the last section of the speech was seen as weak and sentimental.
But in the context of the speech as a whole, with its insistent repetition of contrasts between the world as it should be and the world as it was, the end seems less a flight of fancy about the future than a critique of now. And when King demands that freedom ring from "the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire" and "the curvaceous slopes of California", he does so not to celebrate these admirable places but to contrast them with Stone Mountain of Georgia, Lookout Mountain of Tennessee and "every hill and molehill of Mississippi".
The soaring multiples are organised by the binary contrast between one kind of country and another, the same binary which Lincoln posited years earlier at Gettysburg. But after citing a comparable list — "black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics" — King looked forward to something different: In finishing with a triple repeat and an extended last phrase, King anticipated Jackson "Keep hope alive.
On tomorrow night and beyond, keep hope alive" and echoed Lincoln "that government of the people, by the people and for the people, shall not perish from the earth".
Fifty years on, would he feel that any of those ambitions has been fully achieved?This disambiguation page lists articles associated with the title Yes We Can. If an internal link led you here, you may wish to change the link to point directly to the intended article.
In third grade, Barack Obama wrote an essay titled, “I Want to Become President”—and he is, to this day, determined to show the world that, yes, he can.. Born in the U.S.A., the son of an African father and an American mother, a boy who spent his childhood in Indonesia and Hawaii, Barack Obama is truly a citizen of the world.
Yes We (Still) Can: Politics in the Age of Obama, Twitter, and Trump [Dan Pfeiffer] on urbanagricultureinitiative.com *FREE* shipping on qualifying offers. #1 NEW YORK TIMES BESTSELLER!
From Obama's former communications director and current co-host of Pod Save America comes a colorful account of how politics/5(). Barack Obama.
President-Elect Victory Speech. delivered 4 November , Grant Park, Chicago, Illinois. Yes we can” By alluding to times of crisis before quickly presenting his presidency as the solution, Obama convinces the audiences to emotionally invest into him as a symbol of hope, presenting himself as the more attractive alternative juxtaposed to .
Museum of the Moving Image The Living Room Candidate "Yes We Can," urbanagricultureinitiative.com and Jesse Dylan, (Acoustic guitar) OBAMA (speaking) and urbanagricultureinitiative.com (singing): It was a creed written into the founding documents that declared the destiny of a nation: Yes we can.